Archive for February, 2014

Fernando meets Cuban President

February 28, 2014



with René-fotografia-g ( with René)

fernando4withraul (1)



February 28, 2014


He arrived 2 hours ago ( noon in Havana )

FERNANDO THE GIANT Message from Gerardo Hernández

February 28, 2014


In each of the Five there is something more or less unique about us. For example Ramon is the tallest one, closely followed by René, Fernando happens to be the one who is the least in physical stature, while I took away second place in that category by beating out Tony by a hair. Fernando’s “title” in this category is based partly on affection, but also for our deeply rooted professional custom of avoiding names, so sometimes we would call him “the small one”.

What I have said here may seem odd and flippant, but in these days of joy and anxiety, with only a few hours separating Fernando from his freedom, (and hopefully also for his quick return) I am remembering so many signs of greatness inherent in our brother. I am reflecting on the irony of first calling him “small” to now referring to him as a giant of a person.

When we were arrested, Fernando had several extra reasons to feel anguish, pain, frustration…In baseball terms, something Fernando likes a lot, he often threw complete games, but this time his mission in Miami was that of a short reliever. He was scheduled to return to Cuba soon. His wedding was rapidly approaching. His bride, the warrior Rosa who sacrificed everything in her life for him, almost had her wedding dress on. Even with all this we never heard any lamenting from the giant.

I witnessed when his lawyer from the trial, Joaquin Mendez, told him, with all his best professional advice, that given the lower seriousness of the charges against him any lawyer would suggest that he opt out and be tried separately from the others as the best legal strategy. The response from Fernando, as well as René who received a similar suggestion, was emphatic and unequivocal.

Fifteen and a half years later, Fernando, like René, will come out of prison with his head held high. They gave him nothing. His sentence was the maximum possible, and the time discounted for good behavior he earned it and by law they had to give it to him.

Today those who love him and admire him will celebrate. We are convinced that our struggle will be strengthened and reinforced with another standard bearer.

We send Fernando a big embrace and say:
Congratulations Giant!
Thanks for your example!

Gerardo Hernández Nordelo
Victorville Penitentiary California
February 25, 2014.

To learn more about the Cuban 5 visit:


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Fernando González answers Cuban bloggers’ questions

February 27, 2014



1) Could you mention the five words you have had on your mind more often in these years you have unjustly spent in prison? If you wish you can elaborate on one or all of them.

Cuba, Family, Gratitude, Struggle, Freedom.

2) This will be your last St. Valentine’s Day behind bars and without your [wife] Rosa. What are you planning for the next one, which you will finally be able to spend in the arms of your beloved?

Thank you very much for your question about one’s human side and feelings, for it will help readers get to know us better as human beings. Now that the day of my release from prison and return to Cuba after being holed up for so many years is just around the corner, it’s hard to think how I would like to spend such a significant date, but that’s still a year away. Many things come to mind in my last hours in prison about the experiences I will live through in the coming days, all of them sure to be quite intense. There are many question marks, and a long list of wishes waiting to come true, which makes it difficult to plan right now for a day as distant as February 14, 2015. Even if my answer is not the one you wanted or expected, I know you understand. But since I have a whole year to think about how to celebrate that day, I can assure you that I’ll do my best to make it very special. That I have already decided.

3) If you could talk to President Barack Obama, what would you tell him about your case and that of your comrades’?

My regards to Iroel Sánchez, whose works and others posted in La Pupila Insomne I read on a regular basis. I think it’s very good blog with very good works and an important contribution to the struggle in the field of ideas and information.

If I could talk to the President, I would ask him to take an unprejudiced look, in his capacity as former professor of Constitutional Law, at the evidence in our case and the views that renowned and prestigious US and foreign jurists have expressed about it; to make an unbiased reading of the amicus briefs that more than ten Nobel prizewinners submitted to the Supreme Court; to try to make, as a former community activist, an impartial evaluation of the reality of life in Cuba, where I’m convinced he would see that many problems he worked so hard to solve in the streets of Chicago in his younger days have already been solved. He would see how hard our people work to have an ever more just society and realize that’s what the Five were defending.

I would tell him that, as a politician, he should review history, the same history he has oftentimes urged us to forget, and see how Cuba has been forced to deal with over 50 years of aggression, and in many cases violent attacks, organized in Miami with no action whatsoever on the part of the authorities in charge of preventing them. Hence the need for what the Five were doing.

May he reach his own conclusions after looking at the whole issue from these three angles and, if he manages to do so objectively, I’m sure the four of us would join René in Havana the following day.

4) Fernando, you had the honor as an internationalist to take part in the struggle for Angola’s independence which helped decolonize Africa and terminate apartheid. Is there anything about that experience which you could share with us Cuban bloggers?

My participation in the Angolan war was a turning point in my personal development. I was only 24 then and fresh out of the university. It was between 1987 and 1989, during the battle of Cuito Cuanavale, in which I was not involved. But I did get a taste of the advances on the Namibian border of the Cuban and Angolan troops deployed in the southwest.

I had the privilege of being appointed to the Cahama-based General Staff of the Southern Army and to witness the morale of the Cubans and Angolans who had participated in the southward-bound advance which tipped the balance in favor of victory and, together with the stand they took in Cuito Cuanavale, marked the end of the war, secured Namibia’s independence and, as Mandela acknowledged, put an end to apartheid in South Africa.

From there I went to Lubango, from where the troops had left, to join the Task Force detailed there and worked with the FAPLA comrades in their General Staff. It was a very enriching experience to be with them every day and share with them the atmosphere of comradeship and fighting spirit we were all steeped in.

I was part of the honorable departure of our victorious troops, and one of the most exciting moments I’ve ever lived through was the way our people welcomed us when we arrived back home.

It was quite enlightening to see how a whole people who suffered from colonialism were fighting to preserve their independence and that we did our bit to help them in their great effort to move forward. I also saw for myself the effects of centuries of colonialism and the backwardness and underdevelopment Angola had endured from them, as well as the results of over ten years of war imposed from the outside. I learned more from that experience than I did from all the books I had ever read about capitalism and the consequences of colonization.

It was nice and instructive to see the Angolans resist and strive to carry on as they offered their soil to the Namibian SWAPO forces that were fighting for their national independence.

(Respuesta sobre el tema a una entrevista anterior):

Angola was a major milestone in my life. I learned many things from the Cubans and Angolans around me; from their comradeship and solidarity in difficult circumstances; from their unaffectedness and collective endeavor despite any cultural barriers; from the way we learned from each other and our differences.

I was 24 or 25 then, but most Cuban soldiers and many of the Angolan troops were even younger than me. Many of the Cubans I saw there in those two years had the physical and psychological characteristics of youngsters barely out of their teenage years who were forged by discipline, responsibility and revolutionary conscientiousness, and I was going through that maturation process myself.

I had just graduated from the university as a city boy and thought the world was my oyster. But there I learned from Cubans and Angolans alike that there’s more to one’s character formation than just an education, and things like human sensibility and solidarity that are as no less, if not more, important than a degree.

Seeing with my own eyes the way colonialism affects people, the Angolans in this case, taught me more than every book I had ever studied. Those people’s fighting spirit and willingness to leave their past behind by standing up to foreign aggression and domestic counterrevolution supported from abroad was also a lesson.

5) Even if being in prison really put your principles to the test, how do you explain the respect and recognition that the Five enjoyed in US penitentiaries? Were there demonstrations of solidarity from other inmates?

I ascribe the respect and recognition the Five gained in US prisons to a number of factors. First of all, when they watch you they see a serious individual who stays away from the typical dynamics of life in prison that become a breeding ground for conflicts among inmates. They also notice your cool and the mature advice or views you give to whoever requests it, and they see that you’re discreet and tight-lipped about any problem or situation that another inmate shared with you. All of that leads others to respect you even if they don’t know anything about the Five’s case.

On the other hand, those who challenge the judge and prosecutors who brought you to trial are usually held in a certain respect, for such an attitude is not very common in a court of law.

Now, when they hear about why you were convicted, even if they don’t know the details, other factors come into play which contribute to that respect, as they become aware not only that you were tried –which is deserving of some respect of itself, as I said– but also that you locked horns with all the hatred the US government usually has for whoever they consider a political enemy.

There’s also another fact found at the root of it all: many people, even those who know nothing about the history of the US-Cuba relations or have no interest whatsoever in political issues, are instinctively aware that Cuba has withstood and still withstands the power of the American government. Therefore, they see in us a reflection of that resistance that we’re part of. They link us to it, and that creates respect.

Add to all these factors the support that they know we get as much from the Cuban people as from many friends around the world. And they don’t know the specifics, but they notice how many e-mails we receive and send, which they recognize as a sign the support we have.

Again, all these factors combine and, together, lead other inmates to see us as serious, dignified individuals and respect us accordingly.

6) How much have the messages and signs of support from Cuba and elsewhere influenced your capacity for resistance?

They’ve had a great influence. Not that we would have given up without them, but they no doubt make your resistance more bearable. Knowing that you can count on the understanding and support of a whole militant people and hundreds of thousands of friends worldwide inspires more confidence in victory. It also teaches you about those who fight for us in the disadvantageous position that they find themselves in countries where advocating for our case requires a lot of effort, initiative and perseverance.

Furthermore, receiving so many messages of solidarity and sympathy also has a practical, palpable impact. In my previous answer I told you about an angle of that impact, but also the prison authorities and many other inmates get to know who we are and all the support we receive, which to some extent has an influence on their caution in treating us in some circumstances. This is not to say that we get special treatment. It’s just that they are careful about how they treat us.

7) We all know that the Cuban heroes are also flesh and blood. Tell us what are your favorite music, food, books or pastimes…

Well, I like to dance to Cuban music, particularly what’s known as ‘salsa’. I’m not a great dancer, but neither am I a wallflower. My favorite food is a criollo dish like pork and rice and black beans and, on the side, yuca con mojo [cassava, or manioc, on a garlic and oil-based sauce]. As to reading, I like topics like history, international economics, science, political and scientific subjects, and good fiction.

In my spare time I like to practice sports, or else watch them on TV.

8) Every generation has a role to play in the history of their country. You acted accordingly in the times that fell to your lot to live in. How do you feel about it? In your opinion, what challenges are facing Cuban youth nowadays?

I can say that I’m pleased that I fulfilled with dignity and honor what I consider to be my duty.

I’m aware of the historic reasons for my imprisonment, which was intended to punish Cuba; hence the grave injustice of our case. That awareness gives me serenity and peace. I know I’m in prison for an honorable cause and that makes me feel optimistic and even happy with the satisfaction of having fulfilled my duty.

It’s not for me to define the specific challenges facing today’s Cuban youth. I’ve been away from Cuba for many years, and no matter how much I have kept up with national events, I lack the regular contact with it that I think I would need to make such assessments and venture an opinion. In general, I believe our youth must prepare themselves as best they can from the professional viewpoint, but more importantly, they must learn values so that their present and future contribution to the continuity of the Revolution is the proper one in an increasingly complex world full of challenges and dangers. As I see it, a profound knowledge about our people’s history and tradition of struggle is paramount in this connection.

9) In all these years in prison, which book(s) had the deepest impact on you?

Although I read many interesting books, there are two that made a real impression on me. The first one was Cintio Vitier’s Ese sol del mundo moral, which I read soon after I started serving my sentence and it’s a must-read because of the author’s extremely interesting interpretation of our history and its exquisite literary style, a typical feature in Cintio’s work, whom I consider the deepest Cuban essayist I’ve ever read.

As to my second favorite book, I read it almost at the end of my prison term because it was recently published. I hope it can be translated into Spanish in the near future, for every Cuban should read it too. It’s titled Visions of Freedom: Havana, Washington, Pretoria, and the Struggle for Southern Africa, 1976-1991. The author is the American academic Piero Gleijeses, a Professor with Johns Hopkins University. He had already written a first book about Cuba’s presence in Angola and now, after 15 years of research and consultation of documents never before released, he wrote what I deem a masterpiece.

Even if it is a scholarly book, I found it more exciting than any novel because it depicts Cuba’s effort in Angola all the way till the final victory. It contains plenty of long excerpts from documents Cuba has declassified, including transcripts of meetings in which consequential and decisive decisions were made by top officials, our Commander-in-Chief, and high-ranking officers and political leaders, as well as their conversations with their Angolan and Soviet counterparts at the time.

What this author grasped very well from the Cuban, American, South African and other documents he reviewed is the Cuban Revolution’s highly principled foreign policy, our people’s altruism and strength of character, and the tactful treatment of –and respect for– every single contradiction which came up during Cuba’s years-long presence in Angola. These did not without jeopardize our ability to make sovereign judgments and to defend at all times our political and military opinions about how to proceed which, as it turned out, prevailed and solved the conflict.

When you read that book you feel very proud of being Cuban and a revolutionary, proud of our leaders, and proud of having participated in that internationalist mission.

10) Heroism is to many people nothing but a thing of Hollywood or a history book. Do you see yourself as a hero?

I don’t. I just did and do what I’m sure millions of Cubans would have done. At any rate, all I can say is that it was my privilege to do what millions would have liked to have the chance to do and, faced with adverse circumstances at a defining moment, I took a stance that I believe is in keeping with the history of our people and their fighting spirit and ability to resist. The vast majority of Cubans, not just the five of us, carry in our hearts those values, instilled in us throughout our people’s history of struggle. That’s why I say that millions of Cubans would do the same, and that’s why the Revolution is alive and moving forward.

11) What role did music play in your life in prison? Are the Revolution’s achievements properly reflected in today’s Cuban music?

I’m not up to speed on Cuban music these days, especially the current kind. I hardly had any access to Cuban music during my time in prison, and very little in the last year and a half to the music we made 15 or 20 years ago, nothing fresher than that. So I can’t make any comment on our music’s evolution, or what you call “today’s Cuban music”.

As to the other question, I can definitely say that listening to music, and ours in particular, however old it may be –the kind I could enjoy lately– is like strolling down memory lane and seeing my friends, my younger days, my hometown, our culture, and so on. As we say in prison, it’s like “going on a trip”.

12) What’s the main challenge facing the international solidarity movement for the Five and where should we focus our efforts on?

I try to be very careful about my opinions on the international solidarity movement, so much so when it comes to what I think should be done. For starters, it’s their effort, not something conducted by the Five. Also, those people work hard, with few resources, and overcome many difficulties. We owe them a lot, and I feel a great sense of gratitude toward all members of that movement.

This being said, I guess the main challenge –and I’m not reinventing the wheel here– is clear to them and can be put like this: how to reach out more and more to the political decision-makers, mainly in the US.

History shows that when it comes to social struggle and when injustice takes place, the US government finds in favor of those causes only if it fits their political purposes or when keeping the wrong proves to be more expensive than making things right. The international solidarity movement, whose members are experienced in fighting for justice and striving to make certain social changes, are fully aware of this.

The problem is how to create those conditions so that, for instance, the political cost of keeping us in prison is higher than what the political authorities consider the benefit of not releasing them. I think the main challenge facing the movement is how to raise awareness of this end and educate the political sectors so that the demands that our brothers be freed become louder and the political decision-makers realize the political cost of not doing it.

Again, our friends are aware of this. This is hardly any news. The thing is how to succeed when these people carry no political clout and have no money to get some and make things work in this country. And I know very well that those friends are constantly thinking up ways of working better and more effective. Backing the London event of early March and the “5 Days for the Cuban 5” to be held in June precisely in Washington, D.C. would be concrete ways of helping reach that goal.

13) A message to young people as essential actors of this struggle?

Using their initiative, energy and enthusiasm as well as their ability to get through to others like them and their mastery of the new Its, youth can and should play a key role in this struggle.

Time- and energy-consuming tasks are underway at community level to educate people about our case and reach out to elected US officials to which young people can make a pivotal contribution.

Twitter, Facebook, and other digital communication media are also tools that young people, either in the US, Cuba or other countries, can make the most of depending on their possibilities and resources.

They can use their creativeness and the typical messages and codes available to the new generations to make a significant contribution and help make the truth about our case known to hundreds of thousands of other youths in the world who have not heard about it, or send letters to elected US officials requesting our release or disseminating facts about our case.

I would tell young people to join the struggle with enthusiasm and commitment. Without them, our goals would be much harder to reach.

14) What helped you serve your sentence with integrity and withoug your will being broken? Do you have any anecdote or “slogan” –I mean, as an element of reaffirmation– that helped in any way?

What mostly helped me do my time without giving up my principles is the awareness that we are defending a just cause, which confers calm and capacity to both cope with the circumstances, hard though they may be, and put your situation into context.

We know that what they do to us is to punish, or try to punish, Cuba for its audacity to build a just society despite the animosity of the most powerful country on Earth, which is still reluctant to come to terms with the fact that Cuba is an independent and sovereign nation.

Understanding that helps us keep our predicament in perspective and accept it with honor and dignity, and it gives us a more comprehensive view about the meaning of our case in the framework of US hostility toward the Cuban Revolution. Without trying setting ourselves up as a symbol or anything, I hope that the US government learns that they will not break the Revolution any more than they could break the Five.

We would have never given up our principles, not even in the utter isolation we endured in the early years of our imprisonment, and I know that our brothers who remain in prison will do the same even in the most difficult conditions. However, the solidarity and support that we have received from the Cuban people and so many other friends everywhere make your sentence easier to bear and become to us a commitment of resistance and combativeness.

15) How do you appraise your friendship with Oscar López Rivera? I’m in touch with him and he told me he has a great affection for you.

I was honored to share with Oscar a little more than four years of my prison time. He is a person of strong convictions that I respect and admire. It was thanks to him, for example, that I took up drawing. He’s been a painter for many years and helped me take my first steps.

I learned many things from him. He lived through the struggles of the 1960s and 70s in the US, the Vietnam War and, in the 1950s, the Puerto Rican migration to the US, where they suffered poverty and racial discrimination. There’s a part of US history that is not found in any textbook: that of the struggle waged by revolutionary African-Americans, Chicanos, Puerto Ricans and even Anglo-Saxons, whose groups were very active in the 1970s as they clashed with the system’s most ferocious repression.

Oscar is quite familiar with that struggle, so he told me about it and gave me books written by some of those who were involved in it. For instance, some African-American political prisoners have been in prison for over 40 years as a result, and they’re largely unknown even in their own communities. We also talked very much about Puerto Rico and the reality of life in that island that remains a US colony even now in the 21st century.

Oscar has spent over 30 years in prison and suffered a great deal of mistreatment, especially in the first two decades, in the hands of the authorities, who poured on him all the hatred they feel for those they call political enemies. So I also learned from him about life in prison.

Since he’s well-informed and has a clearly-defined ideology, I could talk with him about the country’s political situation, topical subjects, history, etc. and gained a knowledge I would otherwise had missed, as what prevails in prison is misinformation about, indifference to, and disregard for those topics.

Oscar is a great human being that made my stay in prison all the more productive in terms of my preparation and education. I wish him all the best, and that the support of his people and friends lead to his release, although I know very well that he’s willing to make as many sacrifices as necessary and do it with cool-headedness, dignity and honor. But he deserves to be free with his sisters, his daughter, his granddaughter and his people. My warmest regards for him.

16) Any plans for when you arrive in the island?

At first, above all else, to spend time with my family and Rosa Aurora, from whom I’ve been separated for so many years; greet my brothers’ relatives; to meet with friends I have not seen for a long time; and to try to fill myself up with the Island and the lifestyle we’re used to enjoying and which I miss so much. I’d like to swim in the sea –weather permitting– and walk around Havana. These are the first things to do, there will be time afterwards to make other plans.

As to the future, generally speaking, I will join the struggle for the return of my other brothers and strive for that goal to the best of my ability.

Yasmani Surita Siam
Suki Neve
Ida Garberi
Norelys Morales Aguilera
Iroel Sanchez Espinoza
Jessica Acevedo Alfonso
Gabriel Torres Rodríguez
Yeilén Delgado Calvo
Rouslyn Navia
Disamis Arcia
István Ojeda

A CubaNews translation.
Edited by Walter Lippmann

Cuba prioritizes clean energy

February 25, 2014


by Livia Rodríguez Delis – Granma International

As part of the updating of its economic model, Cuba has prioritized a change in policies to promote energy efficiency and the development of renewable resources.

Currently, the country is highly dependent on fossil fuels, with only 3.9% of electricity generated using renewable resources, creating not only a significant source of pollution, but higher prices as well, given that the cost of these fuels in transferred to other products.

Cuba annually generates 17,586 gigawatts per hour (gwh) of electricity, with peak time demand of approximately 3,156 megawatts (mw), while total losses in transmission and distribution amount to 17.6%.

The country’s strategy is to reduce dependency on fossil fuels, with a view toward more national independence in terms of energy and a reduction in the cost of electricity provided consumers, currently impacted by the high cost of oil on the world market.

The plan emerged as a result of guidelines approved by the 6th Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba in 2011, which emphasized the need to promote the use of renewable resources within the national electricity system and in remote areas, to make service more efficient.

On December 11, 2012, a governmental commission was created to assume responsibility for drafting a proposal for the use and prospective development of renewable resources for the period 2013-2030.


In 2004, Cuba’s national electric grid suffered a serious breakdown, complicating economic operations and the social life of the country. As a result of this incident, on the initiative of Fidel Castro, a program entitled the Energy Revolution was launched to replace obsolete power plants and outdated, inefficient household appliances, to ensure the rational use of electricity.

The program’s first moves included the addition of 2,400mw of generating capacity with high-efficiency motor-generators distributed across the country, increasing the National Electric System’s efficiency via lower fuel costs and a reduction in transmission losses, since electricity is produced closer to consumers.

To eliminate losses in distribution grids, some 215,000 posts and 7,000 kilometers of primary cable, 1.8 million services, 33,700 secondary circuits and 2.8 million meters were replaced, according to Leandro Matos, director of the Ministry of Mining and Energy’s strategy and policy department.

Residential users played a leading role in the effort, replacing 94 million incandescent light bulbs with compact fluorescents and 4.4 million inefficient appliances.

Matos explained that the effort was supported legally with Resolution no.190 which prohibited the importing of incandescent bulbs and instituted new guidelines for service rates.

According to Ministry data on the impact of the light bulb change-out, usage was reduced by 25mw for every million bulbs lit during peak hours. The investment made was recouped in less than three months.

“In 2009 technical regulations entered into effect to establish and enforce requisites for energy efficiency, electrical security and the adaptation to a tropical climate of equipment imported, fabricated or assembled in the country, to permit their distribution,” the expert continued.

Matos reported that there are four laboratories in Cuba authorized by the National Office for Rational Energy Use (ONURE), in which tests and trials of equipment are carried out, in accordance with norms approved by the Cuban Electro-technical Committee.

When the results of the laboratory tests indicating performance are completed, he said, ONURE emits a technical certification with which a determination is made as to whether or not a piece of equipment may be sold in Cuba.

At the same time, steps were taken in the industrial and commercial sectors to promote energy efficiency, including the replacement of 2,500 inefficient water pumps in water supply and waste water systems; banks of condensers were installed by large consumers; and a national energy supervision body was established.

In an effort to achieve better energy management, electricity consumption was planned on the basis of equipment consumer indexes and levels of activity. Daily monitoring and control of usage, analysis of this data and adherence to plans for electricity consumption were established.

“Within five years, the consumption of crude oil and its derivatives declined; energy use was reduced by 27%, with savings of 9.3 million tons of fuel, equivalent to 4.66 billion dollars,” Matos explained.

“We have reached a favorable, opportune moment to implement the second stage of the Energy Revolution, since there is greater support and a more effective national focus is guaranteed.”


Renewable energy is energy which is obtained from natural sources, considered inexhaustible, such as the sun, wind, rain, tides and geo-thermal heat. These are not subject to abrupt prices changes, since they are free for the taking, as opposed to fossil fuels which are becoming more expensive as their supply diminishes.

In the year 200 BC, in China and the Middle East, windmills were used to pump water and grind grain. The Romans used geothermal sources to heat their homes.

Based on the premise that nature’s bounty offers many advantages, and the need to make use of this bounty in a sustainable fashion, an ambitious investment program was initiated in Cuba in 2013 to develop clean, alternative energy resources.

“We built the first seven banks of solar photovoltaic panels and six small hydroelectric plants; one 500 kilowatt plant using woody bio-mass and three bio-gas plants to generate electricity,” reported Raciel Guerra, the Ministry’s Renewable Energy director.

“We also initiated the construction of the country’s first 51 megawatt wind farms and are sure that, in 2014, we will begin the first two bio-electric plants using sugar cane bio-mass. Intense preparatory work is underway.”

Guerra explained pre-feasibility, technical-economic studies recently concluded on important projects to be undertaken over the next few years, “These were about the construction of 19 bio-electric plants based on sugar cane; 13 wind farms, and the others are solar panel banks and small hydroelectric plants on the country’s water reservoirs.”

“Also being studied are needed investments in national industries for the production of renewable energy systems, to avoid becoming importers, but rather collaborate with international companies to fabricate components and replacement parts within the country, which allows us to develop our industry, increase job opportunities and reduce costs, for example in the production of water heaters.”

The goal? Make energy available to support the country’s development and provide quality electric service; lower costs to make national production more efficient; produce lower cost electricity for the population; contribute to the development of national industry by reducing costs associated with importing new technology, and eliminate sources of pollution.

The U.S. Cuba Embargo: Making Diplomacy Impossible

February 24, 2014


Just before Thanksgiving, Cuban-American families who had hoped to spend the holidays with their Cuban relatives got some bad news.

On November 26th, Cuba suspended consular services — including the issuing of passports and visas — at its interest section in Washington. The move came after the Buffalo-based M & T Bank announced this summer that it would stop providing Cuba with banking services in the United States. The Cuban government could not find another bank to take its place.

When President Barack Obama called earlier this year for U.S. relations with Cuba to be “updated,” this is probably not what he had in mind.

The reduction in services — and the resulting obstacles for traveling — flies in the face of recent efforts to improve relations between the two countries. President Obama has loosened travel restrictions for Cuban Americans, permitted remittances, and promoted educational, cultural, and religious exchanges with…

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Cuba: Fernando González responde preguntas de Blogueros Cubanos

February 24, 2014

Cubanito en Cuba


1-    ¿Podrías mencionar las cinco palabras que más han venido a tu mente en los años de prisión injusta? Si deseas comenta alguna o todas.

Cuba, Familia, Gratitud, Lucha, Libertad.

2-    Este 14 de febrero será el último tuyo tras las rejas sin tu Rosa. ¿Cómo piensas organizar el próximo, cuando al fin podrás pasarlo entre los brazos de tu amada?

Muchas gracias por tu pregunta  que está dirigida al ámbito humano y de los sentimientos, lo cual contribuye a que los lectores nos conozcan mejor como seres humanos. Cuesta trabajo en estos momentos en que se acerca vertiginosamente la fecha de mi salida de prisión y regreso a Cuba después de tantos años de encierro, pensar en cómo quisiera organizar algo de tanta significación, pero para lo cual falta un año.  Son muchas las cosas que en estos días finales en la prisión pasan por mi mente sobre la…

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Congreso de la CTC: ejemplo de democracia

February 24, 2014

Siempre con Cuba

La Habana.- Un verdadero ejercicio de democracia, inusual en muchas latitudes, constituyeron los encuentros que tuvieron este jueves aquí los mil 200 delegados del XX Congreso de la Central de Trabajadores de Cuba (CTC) con representantes de organismos e instituciones del Estado.

Ernesto Freyre, jefe del Departamento de Relaciones Internacionales de la CTC, subrayó que dirigentes sindicales de base, provenientes de toda la nación, puedan plantearles a los ministros de los sectores a que pertenecen, inquietudes y preocupaciones de sus colectivos y provincias, es solo posible en un país como Cuba.

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Una lectura imprescindible: 50 años de Operaciones Encubiertas en EE.UU.

February 22, 2014

Dialogar, dialogar

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Elier Ramírez • La Habana, Cuba

El libro que hoy presentamos de la editorial Pathfinder, bajo el título: 50 años de operaciones encubiertas en EE.UU, fue publicado por primera vez en inglés en la revista marxista New International, y al año siguiente en español en una especie de breve folleto. Esta nueva edición mantiene como principal trabajo el escrito por Larry Seigle, con el mismo título del volumen, pero incorpora un prefacio de Steve Clark, uno de los principales líderes actuales del Partido Socialista de los Trabajadores en los EE.UU.  y el artículo “La guerra imperialista y la clase trabajadora”, que no es más que las palabras introductorias que Farell Dobbs escribió en 1949 a la tercera edición de otra importante obra: El socialismo en el banquillo de los acusados, de James P. Cannon. De esta manera, el libro termina incitando a la lectura imprescindible…

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February 22, 2014


by Arnold August

On February 19, 2014, at a Press Conference by President Obama, President Peña Nieto (Mexico), and Prime Minister Harper (Canada), in Toluca, Mexico, Obama stated:

“In Venezuela, rather than trying to distract from its own failings by making up false accusations against diplomats from the United States, the government ought to focus on addressing the legitimate grievances of the Venezuelan people. So, along with the Organization of American States, we call on the Venezuelan government to release protestors that it’s detained and engage in real dialogue. And all parties have an obligation to work together to restrain violence and restore calm.”

How can Obama say that the accusations against U.S. diplomats for interfering in the internal affairs of Venezuela are false? The above three-sentence statement exclusively on Venezuela uttered by the U.S. president consists in itself as an arrogant attempt to interfere in Venezuela’s internal affairs. The “legitimate grievances” of the Venezuelan people were addressed by the Bolivarian Revolution in numerous ballot box contests since December, 1998. These electoral gains precisely target the U.S.-dominated economic and political system existing from 1958 to 1998. The voting includes the April 14, 2013 presidential election won by Nicolás Maduro and which the U.S. refuses to recognize; by negating the results recognized by the whole continent, Obama had planted the seeds of the current violence carried out by the pro-U.S. elements in the country. The candidates of the Bolivarian Revolution’s Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela. (PSUV) also won the majority of municipalities, mayoralties and the popular vote in the December 8, 2013 municipal elections.

Furthermore, who is Obama to declare that the U.S. – dominated Organization of American States (OAS) is the reference point for Venezuela, while the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) is not considered? The latter excludes two of the three countries represented at the above-cited press conference in Mexico, that is Canada and the U.S. This is so precisely because of their historical role in the south as gendarmes and plunderers of natural resources. Moreover, by what right does the U.S. define the vandals and their leader Leopoldo López as “protesters” and representatives of the “Venezuelan people,” as if they have no history of U.S.-driven violent coup attempts against the Hugo Chávez and then the Maduro legitimate governments? Does Venezuela not have the right to arrest and put on trial individuals who have been responsible for the violence? Obama urges “all parties” to “restrain violence.” He thus places the perpetrators of violence on the same footing as those who are trying to calm the situation, restore order and protect public and private property from the vandals. Furthermore, by calling for “real dialogue” he thus condemns the government for failing to consider grievances while painting a picture of the “protesters” as innocent victims of the Maduro government. However, despite the provocations, Maduro was and is calling for dialogue with the opponents.

This “opposition promotion” is part of the U.S. plan to create a pretext for a coup d’état in that oil-rich country. The role of the media in turning truth on its head and thus invent excuses for intervention in Venezuelan is pointed out in a timely article by Professor Steve Ellner (who since 1977 has taught at the Universidad de Oriente in Puerto La Cruz, Venezuela). Despite the combined forces of the oligarchy’s international and local Venezuelan media, as well as the U.S.-financed and inspired democracy promotion groups, the first battle was won by Venezuela’s participatory democracy. On February 18 the Bolivarian Revolution, let by its government and Nicolás Maduro, displayed a show of force. A massive demonstration was held by mainly oil-industry workers in Caracas. This sector has been the source of forces to overthrow the legitimate constitutional regime and open up a path for the re-colonisation of Venezuela. This demonstration temporarily put the pro-U.S. forces in Venezuela on the defensive. It is only when the people are empowered and are effectively part of political power could this victory have taken place. These successful inroads into the pro-U.S. imperialist camp can come about because of Venezuela’s new experiments in participatory democracy under way since Hugo Chávez won the election in December 1998. Thus, on April 19, the day after the “Chavista” counter-offensive, the situation was relatively calm.

However, to counter the April 18th victory and the ensuing relative order prevailing on April 19, it was no accident that Obama came to the rescue. The above quoted February 19, 7:25 PM Obama statement encouraged Washington’s allies in Venezuela to restart their violent activities in Venezuela and create a climate of chaos. Thus, the next day, on February 20, violent incidents erupted once again, inflamed by Washington’s support, in various parts of Venezuela. On-the-spot reporting by Venezuelanalysis testifies to the nature of the violent opposition protests and the growing desire at the grass roots to take the streets back from the proponents of violent regime change.,

Thus Obama’s statement in Mexico on February 19 confirms what I wrote on February 17, 2014: Washington and the Obama administration are directly responsible for encouraging the fascist groups and opposition leaders in Venezuela.

The international media including the liberal CNN played their usual role. However, it is very refreshing to hear Maduro telling the CNN that if it does not cease its “war propaganda”, it “will have to leave Venezuela.”

The U.S. and their Venezuelan media allies are blaming the Venezuelan government for the violence in that country, while it is supposedly the “pro-democracy” groups that are causing it. The U.S. expansionist goals toward Latin America and the Caribbean go all the way back to 1778 during the War of Independence. U.S. mainstream political parties, now known as Republicans and Democrats, have always been involved in direct and indirect military intervention in Latin America and the Caribbean; in fact the Democrats actually scored better than their Republican with more – not less – military interventions.

In order to increase the U.S. policy of domination over the southern part of the hemisphere, much of which has been in revolt against U.S. control, a new face was needed for U.S. ambitions; this new image was necessary in order to close the international and domestic credibility gap created by the Bush years. This is the role of Obama; his image of “change” was, and is, consciously promoted by Obama himself and the Chicago marketing specialists.

Obama’s arrogant interference in Venezuela constitutes the latest example from among the long list of U.S. presidents who adopt and actively sponsor the original seventeenth century evangelical notion: the U.S is a chosen people, the beacon on the hill for the world to look toward for salvation. Herein lays the pompous nature of Obama which can only be smashed in Venezuela through the channels of participatory democracy fashioned by the Bolivarian Revolution. One must also add that the solidarity of other countries and peoples especially in Latin American and the Caribbean, but also the world, is a key ingredient.

Where heads of state, nations, academics and social activists stand on Venezuela is the litmus test of being progressive. Some academics and their associations in the U.S. and elsewhere are starting to stir. Among the academic circles, Ellner points out that “political scientist and Venezuelan specialist David Smilde of the University of Georgia, who is not pro-Chavista but rather even-handed in his analyses, has stated that the Venezuelan government has nothing to gain by the violence.” It is desirable that other academics and intellectuals do not follow into the Obama trap of “opposing violence” by “all parties.” It is preferable that these circles take a stand against the amply-documented media war (to which all academic circles have easy access) and U.S. intrusion. Tipping the balance in favour of allowing the Maduro government to settle the issues, without outside interference by the Obama administration, will help restore order and respect for constitutional legality in Venezuela.,

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